How can LGBTIQ+ activism be strengthened through cross-cultural perspectives? This question was at the center of the webtalk “Do We Need a Stronger Transnational Lens? LGBTIQ+ Activism in Moldova and Serbia”, hosted by the Hirschfeld–Eddy Foundation in January, 2026. Activists from Moldova and Serbia shared insights into their daily work, the growing pressure from organized counter-movements, and why international solidarity has become more crucial than ever.
Similar Challenges, Different Contexts
The discussion brought together two activists, Leo Zbancă (Moldova) and Vasa (Serbia), working in distinct political environments that nevertheless face strikingly similar challenges. Moldova, a country that recently re-elected a pro-democratic president, Maia Sandu, and Serbia, marked by ongoing protests against a populist government led by President Aleksandar Vučić, both struggle with entrenched homophobia, shrinking civic space, and rising Russian influence.
Both Moldova and Serbia hold EU candidate status. Serbia became an EU candidate in 2012, but its progress toward EU membership has remained rather modest. Vučić, Serbia’s current president, has been a dominant figure in Serbian politics for over a decade, serving first as prime minister and later as president. Shortly before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Vučić controversially stated that he would not oppose Kremlin policies, arguing that “85% of Serbians will always side with Russia, whatever happens.”
Moldova, by contrast, became an EU candidate in 2022 together with Ukraine. On 3 November 2025, Maia Sandu, the de facto leader of the ruling pro-EU Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), won Moldova’s presidential election for a second term. She received 55.4% of the vote, while her opponent, Alexandr Stoianoglo – a former prosecutor general supported by the pro-Russian Party of Socialists (PSRM) – garnered 44.6%.
As one of our speakers put it, Moldova is staying on the EU path, while Serbia is dropping it.
Both countries are relatively small: Moldova has around 2.4 million inhabitants, while Serbia has just over six million.
Building Communities Under Pressure: Moldova
Leo Zbancă, Deputy Director for Strategic Partnerships and Fundraising at GENDERDOC‑M, outlined the work of Moldova’s oldest and largest LGBTIQ+ rights organization. Founded in 1998, shortly after homosexuality was decriminalized, GENDERDOC‑M today operates across four pillars: health services, community development, advocacy and litigation, and organizational sustainability.
While legal and institutional progress exists, Zbancă stressed that social reality remains harsh. Moldova’s Soviet legacy, the lack of comprehensive education on sexual orientation and gender identity, and the strong influence of the Orthodox Church continue to shape public attitudes. “The biggest social distance in Moldova is towards the LGBTIQ+ community,” Zbancă noted, pointing to a stark figure: 86% of Moldovans say they would cut ties with a family member if they found out they were LGBTIQ+.
At the same time, there are signs of change. A generational shift has led to the emergence of new LGBTIQ+ initiatives, driven largely by Gen Z activists. “The most important advancement in Moldova is the growing community,” Zbancă said, emphasizing that Pride events are now organized by multiple actors rather than a single organization.
Serbia: Legal Protection Without Protection in Practice
Vasa, Executive Director of Rainbow Ignite, described a Serbian context shaped by contradiction. On paper, Serbia has relatively strong anti-discrimination laws protecting sexual orientation and gender identity. In practice, these protections often remain unenforced. “Because the administration is not working, the protection also does not exist,” Vasa explained.
Rainbow Ignite – “one of the youngest organizations with older activists” in Serbia – focuses on rebuilding community structures, empowering political participation, countering the anti-gender movement, and preserving queer history through the creation of the first LGBTIQ+ archive in the Western Balkans.
Vasa warned of a strong and highly organized counter-movement targeting women, LGBTIQ+ people, and other marginalized groups. Conservative religious authorities, far-right actors, and political elites mobilize fear around “traditional values” to divert attention from corruption and inequality. These narratives, she explained, are not uniquely Serbian but part of a broader European – and increasingly global – anti-gender ecosystem.
Russia, Disinformation, and the Politics of Fear
One of the most urgent themes of the discussion was Russia’s influence in both countries. In Moldova, this influence is amplified by language: more than 90% of the population understand Russian, and around 30% use it as their primary language. Despite government efforts to shut down Russian TV channels, Zbancă argued that the response came too late and failed to address the core problem. Simply closing Russian channels, he said, is not an effective way to counter disinformation, as people continue to access the same propaganda via YouTube or satellite.
Instead, Zbancă argued, alternative Russian-language media should have been developed to replace disinformation with credible reporting. While some independent Russian-speaking media outlets do exist, they are small, poorly funded, and struggling to survive.
During recent elections, Russian-linked media explicitly instrumentalized LGBTIQ+ people in anti-EU propaganda. “If you vote for the EU, you vote for gays,” Zbancă recalled. “If Moldova enters the EU, LGBTIQ+ people will invade our country.” For GENDERDOC‑M, this marked the first documented case of large-scale foreign interference using anti-LGBTIQ+ narratives.
In Serbia, Russia plays a symbolic rather than linguistic role. Vasa described how the Orthodox Church and far-right politicians portray Russia as a “brotherly country” embodying traditional family values, while the EU and queer communities are framed as foreign Western threats. Because much of Serbia’s media landscape is controlled by the authoritarian political system, disinformation favoring Russia spreads widely, reinforcing pro-Russian sentiment among the population.
“They place the EU and Russia in opposition to one another and misinterpret what European values actually are – even though those values are also core Serbian values,” Vasa explained.
This dynamic fuels fears of a “Georgian scenario,” meaning that restrictive laws such as Georgia’s “foreign agent law” could easily be implemented in Serbia.
Furthermore, Serbia is among the countries that have not imposed sanctions on Russia, a stance that influences domestic politics and narratives around LGBTIQ+ people and women. These narratives are overtly anti-Western, anti-liberal, and anti-feminist.
Shrinking Civic Space and the Cost of Funding Cuts
Both speakers highlighted the devastating impact of the suspension of US aid funding. For years, LGBTIQ+ activism in Serbia and across the Balkans depended heavily on USAID support. When that funding collapsed, organizations lost not only financial resources but also infrastructure and stability. Rainbow Ignite, for example, lost its working space.
Rather than retreat, Vasa described how her organization is experimenting with new models: cooperation with the private sector, social entrepreneurship, and queer-led small businesses in areas such as food, marketing, and publishing. “We need resources that allow us to think outside the box,” she said, stressing the importance of donors willing to act as long-term partners rather than short-term funders.
Zbancă reported that GENDERDOC‑M lost around 12% of its budget – less dramatic than losses in the media sector, but still significant. Even more damaging, he argued, is the ideological confusion created by shifts in US politics. For many years, “the West” was rightly associated with values such as freedom, self-determination, and the protection of minority rights. As the United States retreat from promoting these principles, and progressive values are increasingly contested, traditionally pro-European and pro-Western groups in Moldova are beginning to drift toward more conservative positions.
Why a Transnational Lens Matters
Despite operating in different contexts, both activists emphasized that none of these challenges can be addressed in isolation. Legal advocacy at the European Court of Human Rights, engagement with UN mechanisms such as the Universal Periodic Review, and informal regional networks all play a crucial role in sustaining local struggles.
Asked what kind of support they need most, Zbancă listed three priorities: flexible funding, Moldova’s continued path toward EU membership, and stronger transnational cooperation.
He also stressed the importance of historical context: Moldova gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and until 2021 all presidents and governments were openly homophobic. Maia Sandu was elected president in 2020, but parliament remained pro-Russian until PAS won the parliamentary elections in 2021. This marked the first government in Moldova’s history that was not openly homophobic.
“Not being openly homophobic is already a big step for Moldova,” Zbancă said. “They are no longer spreading anti-LGBTIQ+ narratives as previous governments did. So it’s good. One step at a time.”
Vasa, meanwhile, underlined how important it is for donors to act as genuine partners in exploring new revenue models. “Please trust us when we say there is a possibility to make something happen here in Serbia that will also help our organization become more sustainable,” she said. “Please listen to us – we are the experts in our local context.”
She also emphasized solidarity.
“Solidarity is human; it is transnational,” she said. “It means: we see you, we believe you, and we will speak about this together. Because our stories go beyond borders.”
The webtalk made one thing clear: LGBTIQ+ activism in Moldova and Serbia is not only about identity or local specifics. It is about resisting authoritarianism, countering disinformation, and defending democratic space itself. In a climate where queer lives are increasingly instrumentalized for political gain, a stronger transnational lens is not an abstract ideal – it is a necessity.
Inga Pylypchuk*
*Inga Pylypchuk is a Ukrainian filmmaker and author based in Berlin. Born in Ukraine, she earned her Magister degree in German Philology from Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv (2008) and her Master’s degree in Comparative Literature from the Free University of Berlin (2011). Between 2010 and 2020, she worked as an author for various German and Ukrainian media outlets (Siegessäule, Die Welt, Focus, Ukrainska Pravda).
Inga shifted her focus to filmmaking, studying documentary directing at filmArche (2019–2023). After directing and co-producing her first mid-length films “How Far Is Close” (2023) and “Teen Angst” (2024), she is now working on her first feature-length queer autobiographical documentary.
Links:
GENDERDOC‑M is the oldest non-governmental organization in Moldova advocating for the rights of LGBTIQ* people.
Rainbow Ignite works to promote equality, inclusion, and respect and advocates for the rights of LGBTIQ+ people in Serbia. Rainbow Ignite is currently building Serbia’s first LGBTIQ* archive with the „Arkadija Archive“ here.
This event is part of the project “The Pink Factor – LGBTIQ+ Rights in the Geopolitical Conflict about Values and Resources” by Hirschfeld-Eddy-Foundation
